PROGRESS MEANS MOVEMENT IN A DESIRED direction, and we do not all desire the same things for
our species. In 'Possible Worlds" Professor Haldane [1- One essay in J. B. S. Haldane's Possible Worlds
and Other Essays (London, 1927). See also 'The Last Judgment' in the same book.] pictured a future in
which Man, foreseeing that Earth would soon be uninhabitable, adapted himself for migration to Venus by
drastically modifying his physiology and abandoning justice, pity and happiness. The desire here is for
mere survival. Now I care far more how humanity lives than how long. Progress, for me, means
increasing goodness and happiness of individual lives. For the species, as for each man, mere longevity
seems to me a contemptible ideal.
I therefore go even further than C. P. Snow in removing the H-bomb from the centre of the picture. Like
him, I am not certain whether if it killed one-third of us (the one-third I belong to), this would be a bad
thing for the remainder; like him, I don't think it will kill us all. But suppose it did? As a Christian I take it for
granted that human history will some day end; and I am offering Omniscience no advice as to the best
date for that consummation. I am more concerned by what the Bomb is doing already.
One meets young people who make the threat of it a reason for poisoning every pleasure and evading
every duty in the present. Didn't they know that, Bomb or no Bomb, all men die (many in horrible ways)? There's no good moping and sulking about it.
Having removed what I think a red herring, I return to the real question. Are people becoming, or likely to
become, better or happier? Obviously this allows only the most conjectural answer. Most individual
experience (and there is no other kind) never gets into the news, let alone the history books; one has an
imperfect grasp even of one's own. We are reduced to generalities. Even among these it is hard to strike
a balance. Sir Charles enumerates many real ameliorations. Against these we must set Hiroshima, Black
and Tans, Gestapo, Ogpu, brain-washing, the Russian slave camps. Perhaps we grow kinder to children;
but then we grow less kind to the old. Any G.P.[2-A general practitioner (doctor)] will tell you that even
prosperous people refuse to look after their parents. 'Can't they be got into some sort of Home?' says
Goneril. [3- In Shakespeare's King Lear]
More useful, I think, than an attempt at balancing, is the reminder that most of these phenomena, good
and bad, are made possible by two things. These two will probably determine most of what happens to us
for some time.
The first is the advance, and increasing application, of science. As a means to the ends I care for, this is
neutral. We shall grow able to cure, and to produce, more diseases --bacterial war, not bombs, might ring
down the curtain-- to alleviate, and to inflict, more pains, to husband, or to waste, the resources of the
planet more extensively. We can become either more beneficent or more mischievous. My guess is we
shall do both; mending one thing and marring another, removing old miseries and producing new ones,
safeguarding ourselves here and endangering ourselves there.
The second is the changed relation between Government and subjects. Sir Charles mentions our new
attitude to crime. I will mention the trainloads of Jews delivered at the German gas-chambers. It seems
shocking to suggest a common element, but I think one exists. On the humanitarian view all crime is
pathological; it demands not retributive punishment but cure. This separates the criminal's treatment from
the concepts of justice and desert; a 'just cure' is meaningless.
On the old view public opinion might protest against a punishment (it protested against our old penal
code) as excessive, more than the man 'deserved'; an ethical question on which anyone might have an
opinion. But a remedial treatment can be judged only by the probability of its success; a technical
question on which only experts can speak.
Thus the criminal ceases to be a person, a subject of rights and duties, and becomes merely an object on
which society can work. And this is, in principle, how Hitler treated the Jews. They were objects; killed not
for ill desert but because, on his theories, they were a disease in society. If society can mend, remake,
and unmake men at its pleasure, its pleasure may, of course, be humane or homicidal. The difference is
important. But, either way, rulers have become owners. Observe how the 'humane' attitude to crime could
operate. If crimes are diseases, why should diseases be treated differently from crimes? And who but the
experts can define disease? One school of psychology regards my religion as a neurosis. If this neurosis
ever becomes inconvenient to Government, what is to prevent my being subjected to a compulsory
'cure'? It may be painful; treatments sometimes are. But it will be no use asking, 'What have I done to
deserve this?' The Straightener will reply: 'But, my dear fellow, no one's blaming you. We no longer
believe in retributive justice. We're healing you.'
This would be no more than an extreme application of the political philosophy implicit in most modern
communities. It has stolen on us unawares. Two wars necessitated vast curtailments of liberty, and we
have grown, though grumblingly, accustomed to our chains. The increasing complexity and
precariousness of our economic life have forced Government to take over many spheres of activity once
left to choice or chance. Our intellectuals have surrendered first to the slave-philosophy of Hegel, then to
Marx, finally to the linguistic analysts.
As a result, classical political theory, with its Stoical, Christian, and juristic key-conceptions (natural law,
the value of the individual, the rights of man), has died. The modern State exists not to protect our rights
but to do us good or make us good -- anyway, to do something to us or to make us something. Hence the
new name 'leaders' for those who were once 'rulers'. We are less their subjects than their wards, pupils,
or domestic animals. There is nothing left of which we can say to them, 'Mind your own business.' Our
whole lives are their business.
I write 'they' because it seems childish not to recognize that actual government is and always must be
oligarchical. Our effective masters must be more than one and fewer than all. But the oligarchs begin to
regard us in a new way.
Here, I think, lies our real dilemma. Probably we cannot, certainly we shall not, retrace our steps. We are
tamed animals (some with kind, some with cruel, masters) and should probably starve if we got out of our
cage. That is one horn of the dilemma. But in an increasingly planned society, how much of what I value
can survive? That is the other horn.
I believe a man is happier, and happy in a richer way, if he has 'the freeborn mind'. But I doubt whether he
can have this without economic independence, which the new society is abolishing. For economic
independence allows an education not controlled by Government; and in adult life it is the man who
needs, and asks, nothing of Government who can criticise its acts and snap his fingers at its ideology.
Read Montaigne; that's the voice of a man with his legs under his own table, eating the mutton and
turnips raised on his own land. Who will talk like that when the State is everyone's schoolmaster and
employer? Admittedly, when man was untamed, such liberty belonged only to the few. I know. Hence the
horrible suspicion that our only choice is between societies with few freemen and societies with none.
Again, the new oligarchy must more and more base its claim to plan us on its claim to knowledge. If we
are to be mothered, mother must know best. This means they must increasingly rely on the advice of
scientists, till in the end the politicians proper become merely the scientists' puppets. Technocracy is the
form to which a planned society must tend. Now I dread specialists in power because they are specialists
speaking outside their special subjects. Let scientists tell us about sciences. But government involves
questions about the good for man, and justice, and what things are worth having at what price; and on
these a scientific training gives a man's opinion no added value. Let the doctor tell me I shall die unless I
do so-and-so; but whether life is worth having on those terms is no more a question for him than for any
Thirdly, I do not like the pretensions of Government --the grounds on which it demands my obedience-- to
be pitched too high. I don't like the medicine-man's magical pretensions nor the Bourbon's Divine Right.
This is not solely because I disbelieve in magic and in Bossuet's Politique.[4- Jacques Benigne Bossuet,
Politique tiree des propres paroles de L'Ecriture-Sainte (Paris, 1709).] I believe in God, but I detest
theocracy. For every Government consists of mere men and is, strictly viewed, a makeshift; if it adds to its
commands 'Thus saith the Lord', it lies, and lies dangerously.
On just the same ground I dread government in the name of science. That is how tyrannies come in. In
every age the men who want us under their thumb, if they have any sense, will put forward the particular
pretension which the hopes and fears of that age render most potent. They 'cash in'. It has been magic, it
has been Christianity. Now it will certainly be science. Perhaps the real scientists may not think much of
the tyrants' 'science'-- they didn't think much of Hitler's racial theories or Stalin's biology. But they can be
We must give full weight to Sir Charles's reminder that millions in the East are still half starved. To these
my fears would seem very unimportant. A hungry man thinks about food, not freedom. We must give full
weight to the claim that nothing but science, and science globally applied, and therefore unprecedented
Government controls, can produce full bellies and medical care for the whole human race: nothing, in
short, but a world Welfare State. It is a full admission of these truths which impresses upon me the
extreme peril of humanity at present.
We have on the one hand a desperate need; hunger, sickness, and the dread of war. We have, on the
other, the conception of something that might meet it: omnicompetent global technocracy. Are not these
the ideal opportunity for enslavement? This is how it has entered before; a desperate need (real or
apparent) in the one party, a power (real or apparent) to relieve it, in the other. In the ancient world
individuals have sold themselves as slaves, in order to eat. So in society. Here is a witch-doctor who can
save us from the sorcerers -- a war-lord who can save us from the barbarians -- a Church that can save
us from Hell. Give them what they ask, give ourselves to them bound and blindfold, if only they will!
Perhaps the terrible bargain will be made again. We cannot blame men for making it. We can hardly wish
them not to. Yet we can hardly bear that they should.
The question about progress has become the question whether we can discover any way of submitting to
the worldwide paternalism of a technocracy without losing all personal privacy and independence. Is there
any possibility of getting the super Welfare State's honey and avoiding the sting?
Let us make no mistake about the sting. The Swedish sadness is only a foretaste. To live his life in his
own way, to call his house his castle, to enjoy the fruits of his own labour, to educate his children as his
conscience directs, to save for their prosperity after his death --- these are wishes deeply ingrained in
civilised man. Their realization is almost as necessary to our virtues as to our happiness. From their total
frustration disastrous results both moral and psychological might follow.
All this threatens us even if the form of society which our needs point to should prove an unparalleled
success. But is that certain? What assurance have we that our masters will or can keep the promise
which induced us to sell ourselves? Let us not be deceived by phrases about 'Man taking charge of his
own destiny'. All that can really happen is that some men will take charge of the destiny of the others.
They will be simply men; none perfect; some greedy, cruel and dishonest. The more completely we are
planned the more powerful they will be. Have we discovered some new reason why, this time, power
should not corrupt as it has done before?